Representations of Women in Early Irish and Welsh Literature Essay

Although thither are parallel of latitudes amid Irish and rip off sagas of elopework forcet, the powerful self confident wowork force depicted in these narratives do non represent the sincere women of Medieval Ireland and Wales. Proinsias Mac Cana has suggested that the dominant fictional characters of Deirdre and Grainne in their various(prenominal) tales (Longes mac nUislenn and Toruigh to each mavent Dhiarmada agus Ghrainne) are literary variations on the exemplar of the sovereignty goddess (Doan, 1985 90).Bitel (1996 2) asserts that Celticists wealthy person been seduced by these dominant feminine characters visualiseing them as representative of real women with considerable power over men, a depiction which if true should be reflected in the law tracts or custom in action(Stacey, 2002 1107). This typography will argue that the ecclesiastical and legal tracts of both Ireland and Wales offer some figures of women, judgements approximately women, and regulations for women.They do not even so present the stereotypical mediaeval fair sex as the sovereignty goddess depicted in the secular sagas. Because women left(a) no written records, we are dependent on male belles-lettres (probably all of the texts written in early Ireland and Wales) for a definition of char muliebrityhood and her cultural role. These male indites wrote of women in saints lives poems sagas and myths gnomic texts histories chronicles genealogies folktales theological tracts and extensive ecclesiastical tracts and secular laws (Bitel, 1996 12).Although these texts offer insights on women they moldiness be viewed through the hermeneutical lens of the socio-historical context of the era in which they were written. Early chivalric Ireland was a patriarchal society and a wo whiles role and identity was determined by patriarchal norms and conventions. The literati of this era did not influence charwo priming coat as an independent individual. Women existed only in relati on to men and therefore their representation in literature was not entirely object glass or according to Bitel consistent.Tensions exist between various texts. The portrayal of women as capricious beasts (Bitel, 1995137) presented in the eighth century wisdom text Tecosca Cormaic contrasts sagaciously with the recognition of a cleaning lady as home- irritater and wife with limited stamping ground to the law depicted in Cain Lanamna or the law of catchs (O Croinin, 1995 127) . The majority of the existing Irish law books were composed between the s even soth and ninth centuries.At this stage the Irish literati were members of the nobility educated in monastic communities. much were monks hardly this elite group withal included jurists, historians, poets and story tellers. Mc C atomic number 53 has suggested that these learned elite produced literature for the monastery which was heavily influenced by scriptural texts (Bitel, 1996 14). Donnchadh O Corrain, Liam Breatnach an d Aidan Breen have argued that there exists a close connection between ecclesiastical law and Irish vernacular law (Stacey, 2002 1108).Stacey asserts that although the legal sources from Wales (compiled in the duodecimal and thirteen centuries) are later than the Irish sources there is in addition a significant link between legal, poetic and ecclesiastical acquirement (2002 1108). The Irish penitential books written between the sixth and the ninth centuries identify conflict between the exaltations of Christian leaders and the customs of early Irish communities. These penitentials were designed as moral guides for confessors in attributing penance in the ceremony of confession (Gula, 1989 25). tally to Bitel, Christian clergy were intent on transferring kind subordination of sex from the kin group to the individual Christian (1987 67). Fox concurs with Bitel, insist that by liberating the individual from the bonds of clan and family, the church was attempting to reduce kins hip to its lowest super acid land denominator the nu blank family the lowest kinship group that is compatible with reproduction duration appearing to support basic kinship values (1993 109-110). The Clergy in promoting Christian morality for the individual attempted to reorganize Early Irish society. correspond to Bitel, the kin group were influential in controlling knowledgeable activity. This was necessity to ensure the survival of the partnership as an interdependent group. Archaeological grounds suggests that houses consisted of one room. This allowed for little individual privacy and sex was a born(p) and visible part of family life-time. Illicit encounters had to take place outside of the home, and even then they were monitored by the community. Any kind of sexual relationship that had to be conducted in secrecy was considered dangerous.The survival and welfare of the clan depended on neighborly stability and this principle determined the attitude of the pre-Christi an Irish toward sexuality. Sex in itself barely was not considered immoral. Celibacy was not visualised as a rightfulness in the secular literature. Cu Chulainns sexual exploits are recorded in the sagas however his casual encounters did not threaten the community (Bitel, 1987 70-71). Bitel asserts that the tension between individual desire and community need had unendingly to be resolved in favour of the community (1987 72), and herefore join was a contractual arrangement determined not by ro humannessce or love but by the necessity of producing chelaren and the survival of the kin group. chars reproductive capacities themselves are integrated into the economic life of the society. The image of woman depicted in Cain Lanamna is a woman whose social unrestrained and economic orientation is directed towards the family and home. Early Irish legality, commonly cognise as Brehon Law was a series of civil laws which governed every fount of daily life including matrimony and d isarticulate.Marriage and fall apart were interlinked by virtue of a contract agreed and a contract dissolved. Under the Brehon system, women were at large(p) to marry in one of nine ways, although the primary type of marriage, lanamnas comthinchuir was the approximately common. Both partners enter this marriage with equal financial resources. In the guerilla type of marriage, lanamnas for ferthinchur, the woman contributes little or no financial assets to the marriage. In the third category, lanamnas for bantinchur, the woman contributes the greater share of the marriage assets.These three categories undeniable formal pre-nuptial agreements. With the remaining six types of marital union (including cohabitation with a woman with family consent, voluntary eloping without family consent, voluntary abduction without family consent, illicit rendezvous, marriage by rape and marriage of two insane people) marriage entailed the assumption of financial responsibility for child rearing (O Croinin, 1995 128). Corresponding to the wide variety of marriages acknowledge by law, there were more grounds for disunite.A woman might divorce a man who failed to satisfy her sexual needs because he was sterile, impotent, bisexual or homosexual. In this instance she was empower to be paid her coibche in amplification to a fine in compensation. A woman could divorce her keep up on the grounds of indiscretion should he discuss intimate detail of their marriage outside of the home. A woman could in any case divorce her maintain should he abandon her either for the church or for a life on the road as he would no longer be in a get to maintain her. Physical abuse was in addition considered legitimate grounds for divorce.Even if the original blemish disappeared, a woman was entitled to the equivalent of her bride price as compensation. The laws are quite clear about the validity of female proof in matters concerning consummation of marriage. This testimony is verified by a physical examination of the woman by female dignitaries. In a case where a woman refuses her maintain his conjugal rights either because of a job pregnancy or her catamenial cycle, the law regarded her objections as valid. A woman could besides choose to divorce on grounds of infidelity although extra marital relations were acknowledge by law (O Croinin, 1995 129).O Croinin suggests that in general terms numerous a(prenominal) women were recognized by the law in their capacity as wives and in their own right as individuals (1995 133) Law texts are clear that a womans rights in divorce are specific to each type of marriage and related marriage contract. Lanamnas Comthinchuir was regarded as the most common type of marriage at this time. It was a dignified state for the wife, she was know as a be cuitchernsa, literally a woman of knock dominion, a woman of equal lordship (O Croinin. 1995 128).If this category of marriage ended in divorce, the woman reliable what she had in itially contributed to the marriage in addition to a share of the profit accrued from the couples joint activities during the marriage period. O Croinin records that the division of plaza was in accordance with fixed proportions one third went to the partner who provided the land one third to the partner who provided the argumentation and one third to the partner who provided the labour (1995 128). This last provision recognized the womans work in the home and on the farm.The spot type of marriage lanamnas for ferthinchur represented a different kind of divorce settlement. Since the woman provided neither land nor stock, she was entitled to half of her own handiwork and one sixth of the dairy produce in store. If she had worked diligently on the farm and in the home she took one ninth of the edible corn and senior meat in store. She overly received a sack of corn for a specified time. Divorce in the third category of marriage, lanamnas for bantinchur, ensured that the woman re tained a life interest in the farm.She could not however transfer any rights to the estate to her children. She could however marry one of the heirs to the post and preserve her childrens right to inherit. Although the Irish lawyers appealed to Scripture, particularly to Leviticus to justify parallel cousin marriages, church law declared parallel cousin marriages incestuous (O Corrain, 1985). The Welsh tractate the laws of women contains rules governing marriage and division of lieu in gothic Wales.There are four redactions of Welsh law manuscripts the Cyfnerth and the Blegywryd redactions both withhold from south Wales Iorwerth is classed as a north Wales redaction and finally the Latin manuscripts (there are similarities between the Latin laws and the Welsh redactions). Although the sources from Wales are dated to the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, women in the Welsh tractate kindred women in Cain Lanamna are portrayed as wives and home-makers (Roberts, 2008 58-59).Stacey asserts that the most striking passage of the Laws of Women outlines the domestic and agricultural closes given(p) to each partner in cases where the marriage had lasted longer than seven eld (2002 1109). This passage is common to each of the Welsh redactions of the law books and can also be found in four of the five Latin compilations. The couple must divide their possessions equally, the pigs construct the property of the man and the woman takes possession of the sheep. If there are only sheep and goats, the sheep go to the man and the goats to the woman.The children are also divided between the couple two parts go to the elaborateher, the first and the youngest, and the middle to the mother (Stacey, 2002 1111). The division of household honorables is itemised all milk vessels, only for one pail and one dish becomes the property of the woman. The man is entitled to all of the drinking vessels and the riddle while the woman is entitled to the sieve. The man is entitled to t he upper stone of the quern and the woman to the lower stone. The bed enclothe which cover the couple becomes the property of the woman while the clothes which they put on belong to the man.The man receives the cauldron and the blanket and the pillows from the bed unitedly with the wood axe, coulter and all the sickles except for one which the woman obtains. The woman is granted the pan, the broad axe, the bill hook and all of the flax, linseed and wool. She also receives the plowshare. Any gold or silver is divided equally between the couple. The man is entitled to the corn above and below the ground, all of the hens and one cat. The remaining cats become the property of the woman. The woman receives the salted meat but if it is hung it becomes the property of the man.The woman is also granted as much flour as she can carry along with the cut meat and the part used cheese. They each retain their own clothes except for their cloaks which must be divided equally. Any balls of woo l in stock become the property of the sons (Stacey, 2002 1111). Like Irish Marriage Law, the Welsh Laws of Women attempted to fasten a measure of financial independence for each partner in the event of divorce. Un exchangeable Irish marriage law however which divided property according to specific marriage contracts, some rovisions in the Welsh divorce law appear illogical. Jenkins suggests that the Welsh division of property on divorce, attempts to ensure that each partner has the necessary provisions to snuff it but he asserts that the division of the quern stones is curious since they cannot be used independently (Stacey, 2002 1111). Similarly the coulter is granted to the man while the plowshare is received by the woman. Since both blades would have been required for planting this division appears to make little logical or practical sense.Stacey also points out that the man receives all of the corn and hens but only one cat to cling to them from vermin while the woman receiv es the remaining cats although she has no grain or hens to protect (Stacey, 2002 1113-1116). Welsh divorce law does not seem to be based on the wealth brought to the marriage by each troupe or indeed on the status of the marriage. In Irish Law the apportionment of property is determined by both of these factors (Stacey, 2002 1113). Stacey suggests that the division of property in a Welsh divorce is symbolic of the destructiveness of divorce and failed marriage.He asserts that this was a secular homily on the improvident nature of divorce (2002 1124). Although the marriage property is divided the woman ultimately is disadvantaged because low Welsh Law, she has no claim to land and must be well-provided with portable goods. Although women under Welsh law were afforded the opportunity to divorce their husbands referable to his impotency, leprosy or unsuitable breath (Roberts, 2008 63), Nerys Patterson suggests that the woman was further disadvantaged in the wake of marital separat ion female virginity was highly valued and her acquittance of virginity would affect her chances of remarriage (2002 1121).These medieval divorce laws clearly situate the woman in the home, rearing children, cooking, spinning wool and working on the farm. It is tempting to view these laws as depictions of a progressive egalitarian society, however the political and social realities of a womans life suggest otherwise. A womans legal definition derived from that of her father, brother or her legal husband. A legal tract on honour price (dire) defined womens legal and social position her father had charge over her when she is a girl, her husband when she is a wife, her sons when she is a widowed woman with children . . the Church when she is a woman of the Church i. e. , a nun.She is not capable of sale or buy or contract or transaction without the authorization of one of her aces (Bitel, 1996 8). According to Bitel, these legally and socially incapacitated women were the real Medbs of medieval Ireland. When measuring a womans status, the laws measured women against the legal norm of the free liberal male and as such a womans expense remained only half that of her male guardians honour price.The Irish literati along with many medieval authors considered female bodies as slight valuable copies of mens (Bitel, 1996 19). This principle is reflected in the only extant Irish medico-legal tracts namely Bretha Crolige and Bretha Dein Checht which accorded women less medical concern and food rations than men (Bitel, 1996 21). Women therefore were considered physically and psychologically less than man, less than human (Bitel, 1996 23). The ninth century Triads text, Trecheng Breth Fene unveiled some basic assumptions about the nature of woman.The Triads suggested that the three drops of a wedded woman were drops of blood (a good wife was a virgin at marriage) sweat and tears (a good wife should be willing to suffer hardship to support her husband and children). On e of the three misfortunes of a man was proposing marriage to a bad woman. According to the Triads, women were their husbands property and were akin to animals. When a man loaned either a woman or a horse, he had to transport it to be used by the borrower (Bitel, 1996 23).The wisdom text also suggested that like a cows udder, women through her womb, was one of the three renovators of the demesne (Bitel, 1996 24). Another wisdom text Tecosca Cormaic suggested that women should be feared like beasts because they were capricious beasts (Bitel, 1996 24). A womans physical characteristics and fertility therefore were animal like and unreliable. The eighth or ninth-century wisdom text Senbriathra Fithail considered the characteristics of a good wife (Bitel, 1996 27).Advising his pupil Cormac mac Airt, Fithal (a druid) take a firm stand that a good woman had common sense, prudence, modesty, excellent Irish, delicacy, mildness, honesty, wisdom, purity and intelligence (Bitel, 1996 28). A ll of these attributes according to Fithal were necessary for a woman to become a desirable wife. A bad wife on the other hand was characterised by wretchedness, stinginess, vanity, talkativeness, laziness, indolence, noisiness, hatefulness avarice, visiting, thieving, keeping trysts, lustfulness, tomfoolery and treachery (Bitel, 1996 28).Fithal asserted that it was possible to detect a womans character based on her physical appearance. He suggested that Cormac should avoid the fat short one the slender short one with curling whisker the fair tall one the dark-limbed, unmanageable one the dun drear yellow one and the slender prolific one who was lewd and covetous (Bitel, 1996 28). Fithal determined that the worst wife was a be cairn or a whore. A successful marriage however could be guarantee by a union with the tall, fair, very slender ones (Bitel, 1996 28).Fithal admitted to Cormac however that the ideal woman may not exist and that most women had character flaws. The author of Tecosca Cormaic was adamant that all women were chronically dissatisfied, bad tempered, untrustworthy, wanton, manipulative, ambitious, greedy, arrogant whiners (Bitel, 1996 29). Bitel suggests that the real problem with women is that they were not men and the writers of the gnomic tracts could only define them by their many indefinable natures they had similar physical bodies to men but were not men they had reproductive characteristics and temperaments similar to animals but were not animals.The only certainty appeared to be was that women must be controlled and her inferior position in society hold (Bitel, 1996 30). The writers of ecclesiastical canons suggested that women could only be redeemed by denying their female characteristics and their female sexuality. Bitel argues that canonists established a gender hierarchy (Bitel, 1996 32). Unlike the typologies found in secular and wisdom texts, the cannon scribes attributed a moral value to virginity and abstinence.Nuns were a ccorded a high moral value as were widows who took the veil (Bitel, 1996 32). Thomas O Loughlin suggests that the Collectio canonum hibernesis, a systematic collection of law, codified certain patristic theories producing an pinch of marriage as a state secondary to virginity (1997 188). The canonists justify their position by quoting Jerome who asserts that virginity follows the lamb wherever he goes (OLoughlin, 1997 192).Jerome expands on this theme suggesting that earth is populated by marriage, so heaven is by virginity (OLoughlin, 1997 192). The underlying concept is clear, virginity is exemplified and sexuality creates problems. According to OLoughlin this principle was the basis of ecclesiastical persuasion on marriage throughout the middle ages and Jeromes opinion that sexual activity was inferior and earthy in comparison to virginity which was noble and superior has been held responsible for the cult of virginity and celibacy in the Latin church (OLoughlin, 1997 193).Augu stine also considered sexuality dangerous but (quoting Paul in 1 Corinthians 7) asserted that while celibacy was the desired state, lawful marriage is to be favored to burning with desire and fornication (OLoughlin, 1997 193). The dangers of sexuality therefore were to be contained deep down the institution of marriage. Although canonists admitted that clerics could fall to sexual temptation, the general consensus was that women as the weaker sex were more likely to succumb to sexual temptation.